I am not myself very
much concerned with the question
of
influence, or with those publicists
who have impressed their names upon the public by catching the morning
tide, and rowing very fast in the direction in which the current was
flowing; but rather, that there should always be a few writers pre-
occupied in penetrating to the core
o f
the matter, in trying to arrive a t
the t r u t h and set it forth, without too much hope, without ambition
to alter the immediate course
of
affairs, and without being downcast o
r defeated when nothing appears to
ensue,
-T. S .ELIOT
Socrates
and his disciples admired this world, but they did not particularly
covet it, or
wish to live long in it,.
o r
expect to improve it; what they cared
f u r
was an idea or a good which they
found
expressed in it,
something outside it
a n d timeless, in which the contemplative intellect
might be literally absorbed.
-SANTAYANA
5
Table
of
Contents
A Note
t o
the
Reader
Albert Jay Nock
Reform
Education
Nature
and
Truth
Economics
War
Politics and Politicians
The
State
Liberty
Religion and Philosophy
The
Geni
al
Mr.
Nock
Works
of
Albert J
ay
Nock
Appendix
A
Note
to the Reader
I
first assembled these quotations from the works of Albert Jay Nock about
eight years ago. They were slightly revised a couple of years later and
many copies have gone out to members of The Nockian Society and other
admirers of AJN. Now on this centenary of Nock's birth it seems
appropriate to help keep his memory green with a special publication.
There was talk of a new collection of essays or a new edition of his
The Theory of Education in
the United States,
but commercial publishers heat us to the punch. Such is the growing
popularity of Albert Jay Nock Consequently, The Nockian Society decided,
much to my pleasure, to mark the centenary with this attractively bound
edition of the Nock anthology.
It might be remarked
here that The Nockian Society is aware that Nock never sought disciples
and that any following of "little Nocks" echoing his every word as holy
writ would have been to him "a terrible thing to think upon." The
important thing, he said, is not
who
is right but
what
is right. His was
a disinterested love of truth. We
can honor him, then, not by trying to sell his ideas, but by emulating
him in the pursuit of excellence for its own sake.
The
Nockian Society has, too, remembered Nock's distaste for most
organizations so it has "no officers, no dues, and no meetings." That
you may catch the flavor of the Society, here is the message that went
out in the first bulletin.
Patrons:
Francis
Rabelais No Officers
Artemus Ward
No Dues
H.
L. Mencken No Meetings
Three admirers of the late
Albert Jay Nock met for lunch early in 1963-a doctor, a businessman, and
a clergyman. Individually, each had found his own way to AJN, and felt
an 9 affinity for Nock's ideas as well as Nock's no pushy approach to
the idea business. A common interest in AJN had brought these three
together in the first place; here, as in other in- stances, Nock proved
to be a touchstone. Men who respond to Nock tend to hit it off pretty
well together. This is a sufficient reason for The Nockian Society.
We are not out to save the
world. Neither is our aim to idolize a man or endorse every idea
embraced by AJN. Nock had a way of setting ideas in motion and then
keeping out of their way. The Society keeps out of its members' way, as
it pursues a policy of salutary neglect.
The
most tangible thing about this Society is its mailing list Those whose
names are writ therein receive an occasional memorandum containing
priceless information available no- where else. The Hon. Sect'y is eager
to add your name to this collection and will dispatch a free packet of
Nockian literature to you at the first sign of interest.
* * *
Nock avoided publicity
as doggedly
as most men seek it. The maxim of
Epicurus, "Live unknown," was one he adhered to faithfully-compulsively,
some might say. Van Wyck Brooks tells us that in
The Freeman
days "no one knew even where he
lived, and a pleasantry in the office was that one could reach him by
placing a letter under a certain rock in
Central Park
."
In his
memoirs,
Nock affirmed that "whatever a
man may do or say, the most significant thing about him is what he
thinks; and significant also is how he came to think it, why he
continued to think it ,or if he did not continue, what the influences
were which caused him to change his mind." One may understand Nock
by the simple expedient of reading his books for he was as outspoken
in the expression of his beliefs as he was reticent about his private
life. What Nock says of Thoreau is, then, true of himself. "One may know
him intimately and profitably through his works-there is no other
way-but what one may know o r riot know
about
him is of no importance." So
one may penetrate
Albert Jay Nock only by carefully
reading his books. Gustave Thibon expresses this idea
so well: "Met-e physical
proximity without moral intimacy, is the s u r e s t way to miss
t h e secret beauty of a soul, to brush b y without seeing it. . . ." It
is not close at hand that greatness is to be seen, b u t from within;
vicinity without intimacy sets u p
the densest and most
impassable of barriers.
* *
*
Albert
Jay Nock was a clarifying
thinker He never presented
his ideas as being brand new, fresh off the press but, on the contrary
as being in most cases
fairly well-established,
if, indeed, nut ancient. It w a s his forte to give the known a new
twist, to offer a new slant on things which usually conflicted
with the stereotyped thinking of his contemporaries. AJN was,
too, a radical thinker, if b y radical we mean getting to the root of
it matter and not being
satisfied with superficial explanations. His desire, in every instance,
was to find "the reason of the thing" to "get wisdom, get
understanding."
As
a social
critic, Albert Jay Nock stands head and shoulders above most.
Much of what passes for social criticism must b e taken in small
doses, or one will come away depressed arid generally in a mood
to chuck it all. The reader may agree to everything the critics say, one
hundred per cent, b u the is nevertheless left in a despondent mood or
so with t he greatest critics who are aware "that for life to be
fruitful ,life must be felt as a joy; that it is by the bond of joy, not
of happiness or pleasure, not of duty or
responsibility. that the called a n d
chosen spirits are kept together in this world."
The great critics help
"the t r u t h along
without encumbering
it with themselves."
Hence they are not subject to the
shortcomings of so many writers who have something of importance t o
say, but
usually spoil it by the injection of their own personalities. The
.
. . most searching criticism is made by indirection, by the turn of some
phrase that at first strikes one as quite insignificant, or at least
quite irrelevant to any critical purpose; yet when this phrase once
enters the mind, it becomes pervasive, and one finds presently that it h
as coloured all one's cast
of thought-and this is
an effect which only criticism of the very highest o r d e r can
produce.
The true critic's
remarks are made, so to speak, en passant. His primary purpose, in other
words, is not to offer criticism, this being only a sort
of by-product.
Nock, like all great critics, was a fine artist and as such he was able
to create a mood without mentioning it. His chief concern was creation
for he held with Goethe that the critic should be primarily concerned
with the processes that build up, and not with those that tear down.
"The final purpose of the arts
is
to give joy." Just so, and it matters not
how little joy may be current in the society for,
the true critic has
his resources of joy within himself, and the motion of his joy
is
self-sprung. There may be ever so
little hope of the human race, but that
is
the moralist's affair,
not the critic's. The true critic takes no account of optimism or
pessimism: they are both quite outside his purview: his affair is one
only of joyful appraisal, assessments, and representation.
And again as
to
the primary
purpose of art:
When Hesiod defined
the function of poetry as that of giving "a release from sorrows and a
truce from cares," lie intimated the final purpose of all great art as
that of elevating and sustaining the human spirit through the
communication
of
joy, of felicity; that
is to say, of the most simple, powerful, arid highly refined emotion
that the human spirit is capable of experiencing. This, no doubt, does
not exhaust its beneficence; no doubt it works for good in other ways as
well; hut this is its great and final purpose. It is not to give
entertainment or diversion or pleasure, not even to give happiness, but
to give
Of
all other men
in American letters periapts Nock might be most aptly Compared with
Henry David Thoreau Nock, like Thoreau was
a
discriminating man who was concerned
with the quality of life lived and he learned early with Tlioreau that a
man is rich in
proportion to the number of things lie can afford to do without. What
Richard Groff writes of Tlioreau applies equally to Nock: joy.
In this emphasis on inner
transformation rather than on outward activity, Thoreau echoes the words
of Lao Tse, who taught, "The way to do is to be." Insofar as it is the
kind of persons we
are
which is at the heart of our problems, then obviously we must begin by
changing our- selves. This attitude is at sharp variance with that of
those reformers and agitators with plans for reorganizing the old
institutions of society or instituting new ones in order to improve the
condition of man.
Nock would have
nothing to do with the collectivism of his day.
As was said of
Kierkegaard, AJN "stationed himself to defend the individual against any
philosophical, political, or religious teaching that tended to slack off
this consciousness of the individual's essential responsibility and
integrity." Neither was Nock tempted by the activism of his fellow
"intellectuals" who for more than fifty years have been guilty of
treason because they have willingly deserted the cause of truth and, in
Russell Kirk's words, gone "a-whoring after strange gods, whose
blandishments both the traditions of their culture and the discipline of
their profession should enable them to resist." The disinterested love
of truth has been replaced by a lust for power and prestige; no longer
guardians of the truth, they have gone to the service of the
states which "would use the scholar and debase him." Nock was one
of the
few intellectuals to retain his integrity and avoid what , Julien Benda
called The Treason of the
Clerks. By clerks Benda
meant "all those whose activity essentially is
not
the pursuit of practical aims, all
those who seek their joy in the practice of an art or a science or
metaphysical speculation, in short in the possession of nonmaterial
advantages, and hence in a certain manner say: 'My kingdom is not
of this world.' "
The job Nock loved
best, though it brought him neither fame nor fortune, was being a
spokesman for the remnant.
If
we belong in the
remnant, lie wrote, we will
proceed on our way,
first with the more obscure and extremely difficult work of clearing and
illuminating our own minds, and second, with what occasional help we may
offer to others whose faith, like our own, is set more on the
regenerative power of thought than on the uncertain achievements of
premature action. Such persons have the power to see things as they are,
to survey them and one's own relations to them with objective
disinterested- ness, and to apply one's consciousness to them simply and
directly letting it take its own way over them unchartered by
prepossession, unchanneled by prejudice, and above all uncontrolled by
routine and formula. Those who have this power are everywhere;
everywhere they are not so much resisting as quietly eluding and
disregarding all social pressure which tends to mechanize their
processes of observation and thought. [The remnant is] an order of
persons-for order
is
the proper word, rather than class or
group, since they are found quite unassociated in any formal way, living
singly or nearly so, and more or less as aliens, in all classes of our
society. . . .
It is not unlikely
that future historians may see Albert Jay Nock as a prophet in the great
tradition of
Isaiah and Jeremiah, though his
habits and vocabulary were not those of the ordinary clergyman, he calls
one to the life of the "spirit"- the "inner life"-and away from an
existence concerned primarily with things. Susan Stebbing writes of
what I
refer to, her term being "spiritual excellences" which are
intellectual and moral
capacities lacking which the life of human beings would be nasty and
brutish; length of days could not redeem it. The excellence I call
spiritual includes love
for human beings, delight in creative activities of all kinds, respect
for truth, satisfaction for learning to know what is true about this
world (including ourselves), loyalty to other human beings, generosity
of thought and sympathy with those who suffer, hatred of cruelty and
other evils, devotion to duty and steadfastness in seeking one's ideals,
delight in the beauty of nature and art-in short, the love and pursuit
of what is worth- while for its own sake. In this pursuit the individual
does in fact have at times to suffer pain and to surrender what it would
be good for him to have were it not for the in- compatible needs of
others, needs which he recognizes as claims upon himself. This is
another spiritual excellence. These excellences are to be found in
this
world; no heaven is needed
t o
experience them.
Nock was more
concerned with being and becoming than with doing and getting. His was
an aristocratic spirit which "is
not a matter of birth, or occupation,
or education. It is an attitude of mind carried into daily action, that
is to say, a religion. [The aristocratic spirit] is the disinterested,
passionate love of excellence.
. . ."
In one of his letters,
AJN remarks that "Rabelais was one of the world's great libertarians-he
has been
a stay and a support to
my spirit for thirty years, and I could not possibly have got through
without him." His Introduction to
The Wurks o f Rabelais
might also serve to explain why his
own books, especially The
memoirs,
are worth reading.
It must be laid down
once and for all, that the chief purpose of reading
a classic like
Rabelais is to prop and stay the spirit, especially in its moments of
weakness and enervation, against the stress of life, to elevate it above
the reach of commonplace annoyances and degradations, and to purge it of
despondency and cynicism. He is to be read as Homer, Sophocles, the
English Bible, are to be read. . . , The current aspect of our planet,
and the performances upon it, are not always encouraging, and one
therefore turns with unspeakable gratitude to those who themselves have
been able to contemplate them with equanimity, and are able to help
others to do so. In their writing one sees how the main preoccupations,
ambitions, and interests of mankind appear when regarded "in the view of
eternity," and one is insensibly led to make that view one's own. Thus
Rabelais is one of the half-dozen writers whose spirit in a
conspicuous way pervades and refreshes one's being, tempers, steadies,
and sweetens it, so that one lays the book aside, conscious of a
new will to live up to the best of one's capacity, and a
clearer
apprehension of what that best may be.
* * *
Some thanks are in
order: to the Hon. Sect'y of The Nockian Society whose light touch on
the Society bulletins is a delight: to Marion Norrell, the lovely
indentured servant who is the
real
secretary of the Society; to Leonard
E. Read (Publisher of The
Freeman) and the staff of
the Foundation for Economic Education (especially Eleanor Orsini) for
their assistance in
a good cause; to
Jacques Barzun who found time in a busy schedule to write us a
provocative Preface; and, finally, to my wife, Laura, who came o u t of
retirement (and almost ceased cooking meals) to design the cover that
graces this slim volume.
I hope
very much that readers will be pleased to make the acquaintance of
Albert Jay Nock, a man so well described by that colossal Dutchman,
Hendrik Willem Van Loon, as being "endowed with profound knowledge,
blessed with immense possibilities for the enjoyment of life, and
possessed of
a rare genius for the handling of words."
ROBERT
M.
THORNTON
Fort Mitchell
,
Kentucky
1970
Top
of Page
Albert
Jay
Nock
A
Note by Jacques Harzun
The imaginary fanatic
of the French Revolution who never said, apropos of Lavoisier, that "the
Republic has no need of
savants"
enunciated a great truth. It applies, of
course, not to any factual reality, but to the emotions of democratic
re- publics.
The oldest and
mightiest of s u c h republics, the
United States
, has
adhered to the principle with almost painful fidelity. It has resolutely
disregarded its great artists, scientists, and critics, proceeding in
its salutary neglect from a correct reasoning that they were a free gift
from
Providence
, not a necessity with a place
clearly marked out in the present.
That is why we keep
"discovering" those free gifts-Melville, Jonathan Edwards, Henry Adams,
Willard Gibbs, Henry James, John Jay Chapman, Albert Jay Nock. As the
old man said who kept hiding macaroons among his heaped up papers, "it
is such a pleasure LO come upon them unexpectedly." And perhaps these
artists, critics, men of science are all the better for being aged in
the wood. Hut surely we are not the better for having missed their
contemporary effect. For example, Nock's book on education in the
United States
could
have saved us endless mistakes had we heeded it during the past half
century. Again, why were we so limited in imagination (though ever
boastful of "creativity") that we could not separate Nock's
literal
advice about government from the
fruitful implications of his libertarianism for manners and the
intellectual life? No harm is done if we read his
Jefferson
as a biography and his
Rabelais studies as travel books and com- pare them with other
biographies and studies. Hut it is harm done to ourselves not to
discover in those works an ideal of the complete man and of the moral
life. Must we always be moved
17
only by unreadable books in treatise form,
which profess t o “tell all” with the aid of quotations and
references-that is, others’ thoughts pickled in disinfectant
scholarship?
Never mind the answer
just now. Here is
a small book full of
Nock’s
thoughts, as fresh as they were when first minted.
Reform
It
is not all of
Nock, and the effect is leas than the sum from which they came. But it
is a man thinking, which the republic needs more than it
thinks-ambiguity intended. It makes me wonder afresh a t the curious
point of view of t h e
reformer who wants us all to be alike or assumes that we are all alike.
One wonders where he could have spent his clays.
SELECTED LETTERS, 62
Il
faut cultiver
notre jardin.
With these words Voltaire ends his
treatise called Candide,
which in its few pages
assays more solid worth, move informed common sense, than the entire
hulk of nineteenth-century hedonist literature can show. To my mind,
those few concluding words sum up the whole social responsibility of m a
n T h e only thing that the psychically- human being can
do
to improve society is to present
society with one improved
unit In a word, ages of
experience testify that the only way society can be improved is by the
individual. its method which Jesus apparently regarded as the only one
whereby the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
can be established
as a going concern; that is, the method of each
one
doing his very best to
improve one.
MEMOIRS,
307
Thus the notorious
failure of reforming
and revolutionary movements in
the long
run may a s a rule be found due to their incorrigible superficiality.
THE
STATE,
133
My
notion is that
it is not so important a t the moment LO try to make people take up with
this, that, or the other view, as it is to establish the questions that
must be considered before
any competent view can be
formulated. These questions are sunk now in
a n
immense depth of ignorance, and until they
are brought u p and a t least clearly presented, I don't believe the
moralist has any chance at all.
SELECTED LETTERS,
115
The
sound Pantagruelist knows how and when to treat grave subjects lightly
in order to establish a clearer sense of their relative importance and a
proportionate respect for their seriousness, never misappraising the
one, or misapplying the
oilier; the attainment
of this knowledge is indeed perhaps the prime object and intention of
the Pantagruelian philosophy.
MEDITATIONS,
10-1 1
The wise social
philosophers were those who merely hung up their ideas and left them
hanging, for men to look at or to pass by, as they chose. Jesus and
Socrates did not even trouble to write theirs out, and Marcus Aurelius
wrote his only in crabbed memoranda for his own use, never thinking
anyone else would see them. They have come down to us by sheer accident.
JOURNAL,
30
Nothing
can be done about the liquor problem, the farm problem, problems of
public ownership, and the other social problems that afflict us. I
say, nothing can be done; that is, nothing except the one thing that
will never be acknowledged as necessary, the self-imposed discipline of
a whole people in acquiring a brand-new ethos. We have hopefully been
trying to live by mechanics alone, the mechanics of pedagogy, of
politics, of industry and commerce; and when we find it can- not be done
and that we are making a mess of it, instead of experiencing a
change of heart, we bend our wits to devise a change in mechanics, and
then another change, and then another. . . . (The) clear insistent
testimony that a nation’s life consisteth not in the abundance of the
things that it porsesseth; that it is the spirit and manners of a
people, and not the bewildering multiplicity of its social mechanisms,
that determines the quality of
its civilization.
Journeyman,
124-7
Top of Page
Education
The literatures of Greece and Rome comprise the longest and fullest
continuous record available to us, of what the human mind has been busy
about in practically every department of
spiritual and social
activity; every department, I think, except one-music. The record covers
twenty-five hundred consecutive years of the human minds operations in
poetry, drama, law, agriculture, philosophy, architecture, natural
history, philology, rhetoric, astronomy, politics, medicine, theology,
geography, everything Hence the mind that has attentively canvassed this
record is not only a disciplined mind but an
experienced
mind; a mind that
instinctively views any con- temporary phenomenon from the vantage point
of an immensely long perspective attained through this profound and
weighty experience of the human spirit’s operations. , . . These
studies, then, in a word, were regarded as formative because they are
maturing,
because they powerfully inculcate the
views of life and the demands on life that are appropriate to maturity
and that are indeed the specific marks, the outward and visible signs,
of the inward and spiritual grace of maturity. And now we are in a
position to observe that the establishment of these views and the
direction of these demands is what is traditionally meant, and what we
citizens of the republic of letters now mean, by the word
education;
and the constant aim at inculcation of
these views and demands is what we know under the name of the Great
Tradition of our republic.
EDUCATION,
62-3
How can there be any great
men among us until the right relation between formative knowledge and
instrumental knowledge becomes implicit in the actual practice and
technique of education?
RIGHT
THING, 1I4
Education
contemplates another kind of product; what is it? One of the main
elements in it, Ishould say, is the power of disinterested reflection.
One unmistakable mark of
an educated man is his ability to take a
detached, impersonal and competent view of something that deeply engages
his affections, one way or the other-something that he likes very much.
The study of history has really no other purpose than to help put this
mark on a man. If one does not study it with this end in view, there is
no use studying it at all.
JOURNEYMAN,
45
As
a state-controlled enterprise
maintained by taxation, virtually a part of the civil service (like
organised Christianity in
England
and in
certain European countries) the system [of compulsory popular education]
had become an association de
propaganda fide
for the extreme of a hidebound
nationalism and of a
superstitious servile reverence for a sacrosanct State. In another view
one saw it functioning as a sort of Sanhedrin, a leveling agency,
prescribing uniform modes of thought, belief, conduct, social
deportment, diet, recreation, hygiene; and as an inquisitional body for
the enforcement of these prescriptions, for nosing out heresies and
irregularities and sup- pressing them. In still another view one saw it
functioning as a trade-unionist body, intent on maintaining and
augmenting a set of vested interests; and one noticed that in this
capacity it occasionally took shape as an extremely well-disciplined and
powerful political pressure-group.
MEMOIRS,
263-4
It
is one of my oddest experiences that I have never been able to find
anyone who would tell me what the net social value of a compulsory
universal literacy actually conies to when the balance of advantage and
disadvantage is drawn, or wherein that value consists. The few Socratic
questions which on occasion I have put to persons presumably able to
tell me have always gone by the board. These persons seemed to think,
like Protagoras on the teaching of virtue, that the thing was so
self-evident and simple that Ishould know all about it without being
told; but in the hardness of my head or heart I still do not find it so.
Universal literacy helps business by extending the reach of advertising
and increasing its force; and also in other ways. Beyond that Isee
nothing on the credit side. On the debit side, it enables scoundrels to
beset, dishevel, and debauch such intelligence as is in the power of the
vast majority of mankind to exercise. There can be no doubt of this, for
the evidence of it is daily spread wide before us on all sides. More
than this, it makes many articulate who should not be so, and otherwise
would not be so. It enables mediocrity and submediocrity to run rampant,
to the detriment of both intelligence and taste. In a word, it puts into
a people's hands an instrument which very few can use, but which
everyone supposes himself fully able to use; and the mischief thus
wrought is
very great. My observations leave
me no chance of doubt about the side on which the balance of social
advantage lies, hut I do not by any means insist that it does lie there.
MEMOIRS,
48-9
Not
until much later, when I laid seen something of mass- education and
observed its results, did I perceive how great this advantage is. With
Mark Hopkins on one end of a log and a student on the other, the student
gets the best out of
Hopkins
and gets as much of
it as h e can absorb: the law of diminishing returns does not touch him.
Add twenty students, and neither he nor the twenty gets the same thing;
add two hundred, and it is luck if anybody gets anything remotely like
the same thing. All
Souls
College
,
Oxford
, planned better
than it knew when it limited the number of its undergraduates to four;
four is
exactly the right number for any
college which is really intent on getting results. Socrates chatting
with a single protagonist meant one thing, and well did he know it.
Socrates lecturing t o a class of fifty would mean something woefully
different, so he organized no class and did no lecturing. ,
Jerusalem
was a university
town, and in a university every day
is
field day for the law
of diminishing returns. Jesus stayed away from Jerusalem and talked with
fishermen here and there, who seem to have pretty well got what he was
driving at: some better than others, apparently, but all on the whole
pretty well. And so we have it that unorganised Christianity was one
thing, while organised Christianity has consistently been another.
MEMOIRS,
51
Education, in a word, leads a person on to ask a great deal more from
life than life, as at present organized, is willing to give him; and it
begets dissatisfaction with the rewards that life holds out. Training
tends to satisfy him with very moderate and simple returns. A good
income, a home and family, the usual r u n of comforts and conveniences,
diversions addressed only to the competitive or sporting spirit or else
to raw sensation-training not only makes directly for getting these, but
also for an inert and comfortable contentment with them.
Well, these are all that
our present society has to offer, so it is undeniably the best thing all
round to keep people satisfied with them, which training does, and not
to inject a subversive influence, like education, into this easy
complacency. Politicians understand this-it is their business to
understand it -- and hence they hold up "a chicken in every pot and two
cars in every garage" as a satisfying social ideal. But the mischief of
education is its exorbitance. The educated lad may like stewed chicken
and motorcars as well as anybody, but his education had bred a liking
for other things too, things that the society around him does not care
for and will not countenance. It has bred tastes which society resents as
culpably luxurious, and
will not connive at gratifying. Paraphrasing the old saying, education
sends him out to shift for himself with a champagne appetite amidst a
gin-guzzling society.
FREE SPEECH,
216
Nature
and
Truth
When the men
of science have said all their
say about the human mind and heart, how far they are from
accounting for all their phenomena, or from answering the simple, vital
questions that one asks them! What
is
the power by which a certain number
and order of air vibrations is translated into processes of
great emotional
significance? If anyone can answer that question believe me, he is just
the man I want to see.
SELECTED Letters,
22-3
But unfortunately Nature racks little
of the nobleness prompting any
human enterprise. Perhaps it is rather a hard thing to say, but
the truth is that Nature seems much more solicitous about her reputation
for order than she is about keeping up her character for morals.
Apparently no pressure of noble and unselfish moral earnestness will
cozen the sharp old lady into countenancing a breach of
order. Hence any enterprise,
however nobly and disinterestedly conceived, will fail if it he not also
organized intelligently.
FREE SPEECH,
172
Truth is a cruel flirt,
and must be treated accordingly. Court her abjectly, and she will turn
her back; feign indifference, and she will throw herself at you with a
coaxing submission. Try to force an acquaintance-try to make her put on
her company manners for a general public-and she will revolt them like
an ugly termagant: let her take her own way and her own time, and she
will show all her fascinations to every- one who has eyes to see them.
SNORING,
67-8
I
saw reports lately of an astonishing
thing that took place in
England
. A
committee of high-grade scientifickers watched a young Indian walk
twice through a trench filled with fire. They examined his feet
immediately afterward and found not a blister or an abrasion of any
indication that would normally appear. This has given rise
to
a great deal of comment, most
of it frankly puzzled. Garvin, in The Observer, says, the most
that can be made of it is that apparently mind sometimes works upon
matter through channels which we have not yet explored. For my own part,
I like to take it as backing up a belief I have long had, that God is a
being of very delicate, refined, and delightful humour. I can imagine
that when we have got all our little certitudes down to a fine point,
and have prescribed our limitations upon human capacities, and have
measured the range of all operations of human faculties, God does
something like this in a playful kindly way, just to show us where we
get off. I have noticed that such incidents have a way of turning up
about every fifteen or twenty years, at intervals just about long enough
for human conceit and self-assurance to get their
growth.
We lay it down absolutely, for in.
stance, that mind cannot possibly operate upon matter in this, that, or
the other way. We are sure of it; nothing can be more certain. Then God
digs up an East Indian from somewhere or other, puts him through his
paces, and says, “There, I
think that will
probably hold those nincompoops for a while.”
Journal
Forgotten, 136-7
25
Maintaining the order of nature appears to me quite as respectable a
miracle as an isolated, momentary, a n d relatively very insignificant
interruption of that order would be. Gravitation, always varying
directly as the mass and inversely as the square of the distance, holds
the stars in their courses to the farthest reaches of the universe; and
here, on a third-rate planet moving in a tenth-rate solar system, it
also enabled me this morning to find my shoes exactly where
I
left them when I took them
off last night.
MEMOIRS,
287
Not long ago I read of a fine exhibition of intellectual integrity by a
physicist lecturing on magnetic attraction. He told his students that he
could describe the phenomena, put them in order, state the problem they
present, and perhaps carry it
a step or two backward, but as
for the final "reason of the thing," the best lie could say was that the
magnet pulls on the steel because God wants it
to.
MEMOIRS,
288
The
egregious intellectual dishonesty of the English and Americans comes out
strongly in their shirking of the names o f
things and actions. We got used to
"mandates" instead of the gross word "possessions," and "reparations"
instead of "indemnity" in the war. Now we accept the dole by calling it
"unemployment relief." Shortly we shall have to find some acceptable
synonym for inflation, I dare say.
Journal
,
125-6
Lord, how the world is given to worshiping words! Eschew the coarse word
slavery, and you
can get glad acceptance for a condition of actual slavery. A
man is a slave when his
labour products are appropriated, and his activities are governed by
some agency other than himself; that is the essence of slavery. Refrain
from using the word Bolshevism, or Fascism, Hitler- ism, Marxism,
Communism, and you have no troubles getting acceptance for the principle
that underlies them all alike- the principle that the State is
everything, and the individual nothing.
JOURNAL,
280
Economics
Economics
Fundamental economics are very
simple; the humblest of us understand and practice them all the time,
though we are like Moliere's hero when we do it. The trouble is that
convenience introduces complications. Money is a complication; other
evidences of debt, such as checks, drafts, notes, bills of
exchange, are complications introduced for convenience. Then some
per- son with a
predatory sagacity sees a
way to exploit the complications and does so; then another and another;
indefinitely. When the process of exploitation has gone far enough,
there are collisions of predatory interest, and finally a great general
dislocation. When this takes place, if people had their minds on
fundamentals, they would see that the only thing to do
is
to recede. But their minds are set on
the complications, and all they can think of is driving ahead and
devising a new and more intricate lot of complications to pile atop of
those that have done the mischief. All this means an increase of power
arid prestige for the State, and a corresponding degeneration of
society.
JOURNAL
FORGOTTEN, 94-5
The
general preoccupation with money led to several curious beliefs which
are now so firmly rooted that one hardly sees how anything short of a
collapse of our whole economic system can displace it. One such belief
is that commodities-goods and services-can be paid for with money. This
is not so. Money does not pay for anything, never has, never will. It
is
an economic axiom as old as the hills
that goods and services can be paid for only with goods and services;
hut twenty years ago this axiom vanished from everyone's reckoning, and
has never reappeared. No one has seemed in the least aware that
everything which is paid for must be paid for out of production, for
there is no other source of
payment.
MEMOIRS,
246
All this disgusting humbug about money! It would be as easy to devise a
n international currency as to devise postage-stamps, were it not for
the element of speculation. At present, money
is not only
a
medium of exchange; it
is also a commodity, like pork, which a crew of swindling scoundrels can
gamble with; and naturally, governments will not do anything to divest
it of this latter character.
JOURNAL,
220
The
sum of my observations was that during the last twenty years money
h a s
been largely diverted from its
function as a mere convenience, a medium of exchange,
a
sort of general claim-check on
production, and has been slyly knaved into an instrument of political
power. It is now part of an illusionist's apparatus to do tricks with on
the political stage-to aid the performer in the obscenities incident to
the successful conduct of his loathsome profession. The inevitable
consequences are easily foreseen; one need not speak of them; but the
politician, like the stockbroker, cannot afford to take the long-time
point of view on anything. The jobholder, be he president or be lie
prince, dares not look beyond the moment. All the concern he dares have
with the future is summed up in the saying,
Apres
moi le
deluge.
MEMOIRS,
247
Every government that has
cheapened its currency has been Knavishly false to a trust; so have
those which, like ours, use public funds to subsidize large-scale
gambling and swindling.
JOURNAL,
139
I have been thinking of how old some of our brand-new economic nostrums
really are. Price-regulation by State authority (through State purchase,
like our Farm Board) was tried in
China
about
350
B.C. It did not work. It was tried
again, with State distribution, in the first century AD., and did
not work. Private trading was suppressed in the second century B.C.,
and regional planning was tried a little later. They did not work;
the costs were too high. In the eleventh century A.D., a
plan like the R.F.C. was tried, but again cost too much. State
monopolies are very old; there were two in
China
in the
seventh century B.C.
I suppose there is not a single item on the modern politician's agenda
that was not tried and found wanting ages ago.
JOURNAL,
254.
It is the depression, of course-there is so devilish much un-
employment that you can't get anybody to do any work on anything.
JOURNAL,
268
How odd it is that while Socialism can not muster
a corporal's
guard of voters in this country, the successive steps that lead directly
to a Socialist regime (of course under another name) are not dreaded or
deplored by anyone, but are taken willingly and gladly. The Federal Farm
Board, the adventures of the State in railway-control, in
aviation, road-building, control of shipping and waterways, the
endless run of so-called "social" legislation-well, there you
have it. Now the cry is to set up "national planning" of industry under
a Board of Economic
Control. Why not honourably and candidly swallow the dose, name and all?
JOURNAL,
270
All these things have to be paid for out of production, and production
can be overloaded, as it has been in all countries, until it becomes
swaybacked under its burden
of
paper obligations.
JOURNAL
FORGOTTEN,177
A
falling stock market seems to clarify and stimulate thought. When it is
rising, nobody cares to know why or how, but when it falls, everyone is
very eager to know all about it, and yards of explanation come out in
the newspapers from pundits in our colleges and the investment
departments of our
banks.
JOURNAL,
60
Reports seem to show that the regular pre-election effort to start a
boom in the stock market is on. Americans have a strange notion that the
ordinary laws
of economics do not apply to
them, so doubtless they will think they are prosperous if
the boom
starts, and that deficits and indebtedness are merely signs of how
prosperous they are.
JOURNAL
FORGOTTEN, 1 23
As
Herbert Spencer has shown, no man or body of men has ever
been wise enough to foresee and take account of all the factors
affecting blanket-measures designed for the improvement of incorporated
humanity. Some contingency unnoticed, unlooked for, perhaps even
unforeknown, has always come in to give the measure a turn entirely
foreign to its original intention; almost always a t u r n for the worse
,sometimes for the better, but invariably different. It is this which
predestines to ultimate failure every collectivist scheme of "economic
planning," "social security," a n d the like, even if it were ever so
honestly conceived a n d incorruptibly administered; which as long as
Epstean's law remains in force, no such scheme can he.
MEMOIRS,
?61
Economism
t h e n (alter 1870) had a clear
field. The European spirit was everywhere promptly replaced by the
spirit of an unintelligent, myopic, dogged, militant, political and
economic nationalism, and the war of 1914 fixed this spirit upon Europe
forever, a s far a s one can see.
Wilson
's shallow
stultiloquence about "self-determination" and the "rights of small
nations" rationalised it everywhere
to
the complete satisfaction of the
political mind, and gave it respectability as good sound separatist
doctrine. Epstean's law immediately and on all sides swept in a n
enormous herd o f political adventurers, the in- numerable Pilsudskis,
Horthys, Kerenskys, Masryks, Beneshes, big a n d little, a n d kept them
working tooth and nail to pro- vide pasturage for themselves in a
mishmash of little two penny succession-slates. In each of these,
strictly according to pattern, they made it their first business to
surround themselves w it h a high-tariff wall
and
order up
a first-class army.
MEMOIRS,
163-4
We
all now know pretty well, probably, t h a t the primary
reason
to a tariff is that it enables the exploitation of the domestic
consumer by a process
indistinguishable from sheer robbery.
'THE STATE,
125
. , ,
the great truth which apparently must forever remain unlearned, that if
a regime of complete economic freedom be established, social and
political freedom will follow automatically-; and until it is
established neither social nor political freedom can exist. Here one
conies in sight of the reason why the
State will never
tolerate the establishment of economic free- dom. In a spirit of sheer
conscious fraud, the State will at any- time offer its people "four
freedoms," or six, or any number; but it will never let them have
economic freedom. If it did, it would be signing its own death warrant,
for as Lenin pointed out, "it is nonsense to make any pretense of
reconciling the State and liberty." Our economic system being what it
is, and the State being what it is, all the mass of verbiage about "the
free peoples" and "the free democracies" is merely so much obscene
buffoonery.
MEMOIRS,
2
11
Top of Page
War
A
few months ago a member of the Administration asked me if I
thought we were "gypped on this war (WWII)," and I re- plied briefly
that I did. I could not enter into any discussion of the matter, for my
questioner would not have understood a word I said; or perhaps might not
even have believed me if 1 had explained that anything like military
victory or military defeat was farthest from my thought. 1 could not
explain that a boatman moving around in the Gulf of St. Malo or in the
Bay of Fundy is not at all interested in what the waves are doing, but
is mightily interested in what the tide is doing, and still more
interested in what it is going to do. After the war of 1914,Western
society lived at a much lower level of
civilisation than before.
This was what interested me. Military victory and military defeat made
no difference what- ever with this outcome; they meant merely that the
waves were running this way or that way. The great bulk underlying and
carrying the waves, the tidal mass, was silently moving out at its
appointed speed. So likewise I might have told my question that we are
"gypped on this war" because not victory, not defeat, not stalemate, can
possibly affect the tidal motion of a whole society towards a far lower
level of civilisation.
MEMOIRS,
249-50
The
truth about these is, simply, that all nations would be glad to abolish
war, but are not willing to let go of advantages which they know they
can not keep without war. Hence the in- dispensable condition precedent
to
abolishing wars is that the
nations should experience a change of heart and exercise
repentance and seek justification by faith. It
is
the disinterested acceptance of
a new mode of thought, and the entrance into a new spirit. Nothing
else will answer; that fact is plain to any- one with any measure of
common sense. . . . Meanwhile good works like the disarmament
conferences. . . represent no actual self-transformation on the part of
the nations, nor a real desire for any. Hence they not only fail of
their good intentions, hut become the instruments of a
peculiarly cruel deceit; they have the
nature of sin.
FREE
SPEECH,
31-2
Lately
I have thought that we pacifists were barking up the wrong tree
in laying so much stress on the horrors of war. I am coming
to
be much less interested in what war
does to
people at the time, and much more in what
it does to them after it is over.
LETTERS, 96-7.
In "liberating"
France
,
Poland
,
Persia
, the
Danube
states, we have merely made
your uncle Joseph [Stalin] a present of
Europe
. By conquering
Japan
we shall
make him a free gift of as much of
China
as he
wants.
LETTERS,
I94
Armaments have
a great deal less to do with
starting a war than people think they have. I hate to play into the
hands of the militarists by saying so, for they are the most
objectionable people in the world, as a class; but the truth is as I
have said. There are fashions in everything, and it has been the
fashion for some time to overplay the influence of armament in war-
breeding. Armament has a deal to do with deciding wars, but not much
with starting them. Neither has war talk, this,
too
helps a war along, once the war gets
going, but it has little to do with bringing one on. What I mean is, for
example, if there were no collision of. economic interest between
Great Britain
and us,
the two countries might run all kinds of armament races and blackguard
each other indefinitely with might and main, but no war would come of
it. The truth is, however, t h a t armament races and war talk
never do set in unless such a collision is either present or impending.
When they set in, therefore, sensible people do not fool away their
attention on absurd schemes for limiting armaments or hushing war talk;
they look around to see where the economic collision is, and what, if
anything, can be done about it. "Mr. Smith and Mr.
Smythe,"
HARPER'S,
May,
1 9 2 9
As long as you have
nations, you will have armaments; and as long as you have nationalism,
you will have nations; and you will have nationalism as long